TANZANIA: “THE United Nations was not created to take mankind to heaven, but to save humanity from hell,”-Dag Hammarskjöld, former UN SecretaryGeneral 1953.
As we move further into the 21st century, the world must ask: Can the UN continue to claim legitimacy when its most populous continent, with a surging young demographic line and one of the fastest growing economies, but on the other hand a place among many on Earth, that are most affected by conflict and instability, continue to be denied a permanent seat at the table?
In my view, the second UN secretary general and one of the most indispensable diplomats of the 20th century that Sweden had bestowed upon the world with a remarkable intellect and an extraordinary vision, a vision which today is undeniably right.
In order to effectively save humanity, the security council should be reformed. At this moment in history, the geopolitical balance is evolving and shifting, but the architecture of global governance is bound to a postWorld War two paradigm.
Back on Sunday morning, September 14th 2023, U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, Linda Thomas-Greenfield, proposed that Africa be granted two permanent seats on the UN Security Council.
This landmark proposal was delivered during her speech at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York, during the 78th United Nations general Assembly. In addition to advocating for Africa’s representation, the U.S. suggested a rotating seat for small island developing states.
However, Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield explicitly stated that these new permanent members would not be granted veto power, a privilege held by the current five permanent members (the U.S., China, Russia, France and the UK). She acknowledged that none of the existing vetowielding nations, including the U.S., are willing to relinquish their veto powers.
This position underscores the entrenched power dynamics that have governed the Security Council since its inception. But how far is that realistic? In order to find a way forward there needs to be a clear-eyed understanding of the geopolitical character, of our time, an in depth understanding of the past, why the UN was established why the Security council is for and why the permanent members do what they do.
Today building and maintaining global peace and a global world order that is typical governed by the Yalta system, particularly a bipolar order before the collapse of the Soviet Union, and a hegemonic unipolar order, is something no single major country, no matter how powerful can manage to attempt. At this point in history, only two countries have managed to pull off the feat, the United States and the former British empire of Great Britain.
And today, a careful analytical reflection on the cause of geopolitics and international affairs, suggests that a third is on the rise, the Peoples Republic of China. For all intents and purposes, thinking that the rise of China would make China an aggressor is founded on the premise China’s rise already signals aggression.
However evidence suggests the contrary, the Chinese economy has been a blessing to the global economy, particularly the South. Like China, if an African country particularly Tanzania getting an opportunity and the possibility of a permanent seat at the Security council, but having no veto vote is a reflection of entrenched global anxieties. Most likely a paranoia. A paranoia fed by anxieties that are not realistic.
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No African country to date has the ability wield power in terms of naval expansion in the seas, advanced engineering and high technological advances and market forces that are stable and competitive like those of the existing primacy, of the members of the security council.
However, it will compel good governance and adherence to human rights and international norms, for small countries risen to the powerful club.
In essence, the security council still runs on a system which provides a two thirds majority, when it comes to electing another member, which so far, the permanent members have the leverage for blackballing new troublemakers, if at all a new member yields trouble.
Tanzania in the Security Council: Probable journey or an impossible campaign?
The election of a member state to the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is governed by the UN Charter. Article 18 of the Charter specifies that each member of the General Assembly shall have one vote.
Decisions on significant questions, including the election of non-permanent Security Council members, require a two-thirds majority of members present and voting.
Less critical matters are decided by a simple majority. To secure a Tanzanian permanent seat at the Security Council, it is imperative to strategise effectively. This campaign must align with our geopolitical realities and adopt the following approaches:
Getting the right diplomats
For Tanzania to achieve a permanent seat on the Security Council, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs must recalibrate its approach to diplomacy.
Our diplomatic corps must adapt to a rapidly evolving global landscape, distinct from the nationalist and Cold War eras faced by icons such as the late Ambassador Augustine Mahiga and retired senior diplomat and internationalist Dr Salim Ahmed Salim.
These seasoned diplomats operated in a world shaped by ideological battles and proxy wars, navigating an international order that relied heavily on nationalistic resilience and ideological clarity. Today, however, we are in a multipolar world, characterised by challenges such as climate change, cybersecurity, artificial intelligence and the lingering effects of the Covid-19 pandemic.
In this context, the question arises: How do we groom the right diplomats? Is it through linguistic fluency in English, French, or Chinese? Is it by prioritising advanced degrees in international relations? Or is it by adhering to a status quo of mediocrity captured in the Swahili term “tuko vizuri” (we are good)? While this statement is a political sense of poetically joking, it shouldn’t be the normalcy and the order of our international affairs engagements.
The answer lies in adopting a rigorous approach to selecting and nurturing talent. Talents that must be well vetted, properly trained to meet the call for contemporary needs of our domestic policy with the evolving global system and international affairs.
The Ministry must abandon the narrow focus on paper credentials or familial ties. Instead, we need diplomats who are adaptable, intellectually agile and deeply committed to advancing Tanzania’s interests on the global stage.
Reorganising Tanzanian society to fit the 4R Doctrine
Diplomacy cannot operate in isolation from societal realities. Tanzania must embrace the “4R Doctrine of “Reform, Resilience and Reconciliation and Rebuilding. Under the provisions of article 109 of the United Nations charter, we must seek to reform, rebuild and reconcile with the existing system, but resilient enough to call for a new proposal in which the current state of the world calls for a need to improving the charter. Modern Tanzanians are better informed, technologically adept and globally connected through the internet and scholarly opinion.
This heightened awareness imposes greater accountability on our diplomats and institutions. Social media and technology have transformed the information landscape.
Tanzanians now have instant access to global events, placing unprecedented pressure on the Foreign Ministry to respond effectively. To sustain a global presence, we must address three critical crises:
• Crisis of character: Diplomats must exhibit integrity, selflessness and the ability to prioritise national interests over personal gain. They must understand the dynamics of diplomacy, as not everything appears as it seems. They must take their obligations seriously, first to understand peace in the East African region is divinely and indispensably dependent on the Tanzanian voice and diplomatic power, so is in the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and African Union.
Our national character must be reformed, we should be justified to create an impeccable rebuilding strategy where part of our obligations in international peacemaking, peacebuilding and peacekeeping missions will pull a strong and viable noble character for Tanzania.
• Crisis of confidence: Tanzania must craft a unified African narrative and demonstrate leadership in this multipolar world.
• Crisis of knowledge: Our diplomats must possess a nuanced understanding of history, geopolitics and the complex dynamics of the international order.
Candidacy for a Security Council Seat
Africa’s persistent conflicts, such as those in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, demand a strong voice at the Security Council.
Further, climate change and the call for renewable needs a permanent seat at the Security council, a position that will also advocate for proposals of an intentional educated Africa, to meet the dynamics of the modern era.
Tanzania, with its history of peacekeeping and commitment to non-alignment, is uniquely positioned to fulfill this role.
We must leverage our historical contributions, from supporting liberation movements to hosting peacekeeping missions, as a foundation for our candidacy.
Tanzania’s legacy includes providing Nelson Mandela with a passport under the alias “David Motsamayi” and championing the fight against apartheid. Strategy: Keep your friends close Tanzania must mobilise support from regional allies such as South Africa, Zimbabwe, Zambia and Mozambique. Here, the Southern African Development Community can play a pivotal role in championing our bid.
We must also cultivate a deepened strategic relationship with key global powers. Special envoys should be dispatched to Beijing, Riyadh, Washington, Moscow, and New Delhi to communicate our aspirations. China, a traditional ally and veto power, is particularly crucial.
Similarly, historic ties with Russia, dating back to Tanzania’s resistance against Idi Amin, must be rekindled. A no regrets policy Tanzania’s campaign must be principled, rejecting compromises that undermine our moral or strategic values. We will not exchange resources or dignity for votes.
If Tanzania’s campaign falters, let it be for standing on the right side of history rather than compromising for expediency.
New Delhi to communicate our aspirations. China, a traditional ally and veto power, is particularly crucial. Similarly, historic ties with Russia, dating back to Tanzania’s resistance against Idi Amin, must be rekindled.
A no regrets policy
Tanzania’s campaign must be principled, rejecting compromises that undermine our moral or strategic values. We will not exchange resources or dignity for votes.
If Tanzania’s campaign falters, let it be for standing on the right side of history rather than compromising for expediency.
Tactics for success:
First, we should develop a professional communications package highlighting Tanzania’s contributions and aspirations. Secondly, host events at Tanzanian residences in New York and Washington, using cultural and economic diplomacy to elevate our profile. Further, deploy a network of special envoys to amplify our message across UN offices and key capitals.
The role of the President
The success of this campaign hinges on the unwavering support of the President. As Tanzania’s chief of State, the President remains the primus inter pares of our diplomacy. The President must be briefed comprehensively on strategies, timelines and personnel.
Ministerial lobbying and outreach efforts must align with her vision and leadership. Tanzania’s quest for a permanent seat at the UN Security Council is not just a national ambition; it is a reflection of Africa’s demand for equity in global governance. Our campaign must project authenticity, uphold our values and prioritise the interests of the African continent.
Policy recommendation
Tanzania’s place on the table at the security council is Africa’s key position in the security council. The great power veto is not going to be challenged, but new practice should be of a more inclusive pact, where Africa is also inclusive with a permanent member added to the list and Tanzania meets that call.
In my opinion I recommend the monopoly in command of the United Nations security council power, should be replaced by a new command structure that is more palatable to the other 188 members of the international community, including we the Africans.
As we step onto the global stage, let us remember that diplomacy is not just about negotiation; it is about conviction, strategy and purpose.
Tanzania’s voice belongs at the table not as an observer, but as a decision-maker shaping the future of international peace and security.
The writer is an Advocate of the High Court and contributor columnist in international affairs and Diplomac, reachable via +255719500555 Email: novum727@gmail.com
